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Mary's Marriage Personal Appearance And Popularity

Mary The Queen Dauphiness The Queen And The Queen Dowager Of France

Occurrences Immediately Preceding Darnley's Death

A Tangle

An Examination Of The Letters Sonnets And Other Writings Adduced In Evidence Against Mary Queen Of Scots

The Little Waif

Rizzio

The Fall Of Bothwell

Mary's Birth And Subsequent Residence At The French Court

Mary's Escape From Lochleven And The Battle Of Langside



Least Viewed

The Love Token

Loch Leven Castle

The Ebbing Well

Before The Commissioners

My Lady's Remorse

The Huckstering Woman

Wingfield Manor

Mary's Reception In England And The Conferences At York And Westminster

Mary's Eighteen Years' Captivity

A Lioness At Bay






Mary's Return To Scotland And Previous Negotiations With Elizabeth








Elizabeth being informed of Mary's intended movements, thought the
opportunity a favourable one, for adjusting with her one or two of their
mutual disagreements. Mary's refusal to ratify the celebrated treaty of
Edinburgh, had particularly galled the English Queen. Most of the
essential articles of that treaty had already been carried into effect;
and as Francis and Mary had sent their ambassadors into Scotland with full
powers, they were bound according to the ordinary laws of diplomacy, to
agree to whatever concessions their plenipotentiaries made. But, as
Robertson has remarked, Cecil "had proved greatly an overmatch for
Monluc." In the sixth article, which was by far the most offensive to the
Scottish Queen, he had got the French delegates to consent to a
declaration, that Francis and Mary should abstain from using and bearing
the title and arms of the kingdom of England, not only during the life of
Elizabeth, but "in all times coming." There was here so palpable a
departure from all law and justice, that, if there was ever a case in
which a sovereign was justified in refusing to sanction the blunders of
his representatives, it was this. Robertson's observations on the point
are forcible and correct. "The ratification of this article," says he,
"would have been of the most fatal consequence to Mary. The Crown of
England was an object worthy of her ambition. Her pretensions to it gave
her great dignity and importance in the eyes of all Europe. By many, her
title was esteemed preferable to that of Elizabeth. Among the English
themselves, the Roman Catholics, who formed at that time a numerous and
active party, openly espoused this opinion; and even the Protestants, who
supported Elizabeth's throne, could not deny the Queen of Scots to be her
immediate heir. A proper opportunity to avail herself of all these
advantages, could not, in the course of things, be far distant, and many
incidents might fall in to bring this opportunity nearer than was
expected. In these circumstances, Mary, by ratifying the article in
dispute, would have lost that rank which she had hitherto held among
neighbouring princes; the zeal of her adherents must have gradually
cooled; and she might have renounced, from that moment, all hopes of ever
wearing the English crown."

Mary, therefore, cannot be, in fairness, blamed for her conduct regarding
this treaty. But, as has been already said, she allowed herself to be
persuaded to a very great imprudence, when she advanced, what she declared
to be a present and existing claim on the English Crown. This was an
aggravation of the offence, which Elizabeth could never pardon. She
determined to retort upon Mary, as efficiently though not quite so
directly. She found means to hint to her friends in Scotland, that it
would not be disagreeable to her, were the Earl of Arran, eldest son of
the Duke of Chatelherault, and, after his father, presumptive heir to the
throne, to propose himself to her as a husband. This was accordingly done,
and must have touched Mary very closely, especially as she had no children
by her husband Francis. But as Elizabeth had never any serious intention
of accepting of Arran's proposals, she was resolved upon taking another
and much more unjustifiable method of harassing Mary.

Knowing that she possessed the command of the seas, the English Queen
imagined that she had it in her power to prevent, if she chose, Mary's
return to her own kingdom. Before granting her, therefore, as in common
courtesy she was bound to do, a free passage, she determined on seizing
the opportunity for again pressing the ratification of the treaty of
Edinburgh. With this view, she desired Sir Nicolas Throckmorton, her
ambassador at Paris, to wait on the Queen of Scots, ostensibly to
congratulate her on her recovery from an attack of ague, but in reality to
press this matter upon her attention. The audience which Mary granted to
Throckmorton upon this occasion, together with another which she gave him
a few weeks afterwards, introduce us to her, for the first time, acting
for herself, in her public and important capacity of Queen of Scotland.
All historians unite in expressing their admiration of the talented and
dignified manner in which she conducted herself, though only in her
nineteenth year. We have fortunately a full account of both conferences,
furnished by Sir Nicolas Throckmorton himself, in his letters to the Queen
of England.

The ambassador, on his first interview, having expressed Elizabeth's
happiness at Mary's recovery, proceeded to renew the demand which had so
frequently been made to her regarding the treaty of Edinburgh. Mary, in
answer, said, that she begged to thank the Queen her good sister for her
congratulations, and though she was not yet in perfect health, she thanked
God for her evident convalescence. As to the treaty of Edinburgh, she
begged to postpone giving any final answer in the affair until she had
taken the advice of the nobles and estates of her own realm. "For though
this matter," she said, "doth touch me principally, yet doth it also touch
the nobles and estates of my realm; and, therefore, it is meet that I use
their advice therein. Heretofore they have seemed to be grieved that I
should do any thing without them, and now they would be more offended if I
should proceed in this matter of myself without their advice." She added,
that she intended to return home soon, and that she was about to send an
ambassador to Elizabeth, to require of her the common favour of a free
passage which princes usually ask of each other in such cases. In a spirit
of conciliation and sound policy, she concluded with these words. "Though
the terms wherein we have stood heretofore have been somewhat hard, yet I
trust, that from henceforth we shall accord together as cousins and good
neighbours. I mean to retire all the Frenchmen from Scotland who have
given jealousy to the Queen my sister, and miscontent to my subjects; so
that I will leave nothing undone to satisfy all parties, trusting the
Queen my good sister will do the like, and that from henceforth none of my
disobedient subjects shall find aid or support at her hands."--Seeing that
Mary was not to be moved from the position she had taken regarding this
treaty, Throckmorton went on to sound her upon the subject of religion.
His object was to ascertain what course she intended to pursue towards the
Scottish Reformers. Mary stated to him distinctly her views upon this
important matter, and there was a consistency and moderation in them
hardly to have been expected from the niece of the Cardinal of Lorraine,
had we not been previously aware of the strength of her superior mind. "I
will be plain with you," said she to the ambassador. "The religion which I
profess I take to be most acceptable to God; and indeed, I neither know,
nor desire to know, any other. Constancy becometh all people well, but
none better than princes, and such as have rule over realms, and
especially in matters of religion. I have been brought up in this
religion, and who might credit me in any thing if I should show myself
light in this case." "I am none of those," she added, "that will change
their religion every year; but I mean to constrain none of my subjects,
though I could wish that they were all as I am; and I trust they shall
have no support to constrain me." It will be seen, in the sequel, whether
Mary ever deviated for a moment from the principles she here laid down.
Throckmorton ventured to ask, if she did not think many errors had crept
into her church, and whether she had ever seriously weighed the arguments
in support of the Reformed opinions. "Though I be young, and not well
learned," she replied modestly, "yet have I heard this matter oft disputed
by my uncle,--my Lord Cardinal, with some that thought they could say
somewhat in the matter; and I found no great reason to change my opinion.
But I have oft heard him confess, that great errors have come into the
church, and great disorder among the ministers and clergy, of which errors
and disorders he wished there might be a reformation." Here this
conference concluded.

Elizabeth, as soon as she understood that Mary waited for the advice of
her Privy Counsellors and her Parliament, before ratifying the treaty of
Edinburgh, addressed a letter to the "States of Scotland," as she was
pleased to term them, but, in point of fact, only to her old allies the
Lords of the Congregation. The object of this letter was to convey, in
haughty and even insolent terms, a threat that, unless they secured their
Queen's assent to the treaty, they might cease to look for any aid or
protection from her. In other words, its meaning was this:--Through my
interference, you have been able to establish the new Gospel; your Queen
you know to be a Catholic; and as it is not unlikely that she may
associate in her councils your old enemies the Catholic nobility, it is in
me you trust to enable you to rebel successfully against your lawful
Sovereign. But I have no intention to give you my support for nothing; and
unless your reformed consciences will permit of your insisting that Mary
Stuart shall sign away her hereditary right of succession to the English
throne, I shall henceforth have nothing more to do with you. No other
interpretation can be put on such expressions as the following, couched in
terms whose meaning sophistry itself could not hide. "In a matter so
profitable to both the realms, we think it strange that your Queen hath no
better advice; and therefore we do require ye all, being the States of
that realm upon whom the burden resteth, to consider this matter deeply,
and to make us answer whereunto we may trust. And if you shall think meet,
she shall thus leave the peace imperfect, by breaking of her solemn
promise, contrary to the order of all princes, we shall be well content to
accept your answer, and shall be as careless to see the peace kept, as ye
shall give us cause; and doubt not, by the grace of God, but whosoever of
ye shall incline thereto, shall soonest repent. You must be content with
our plain writing."

To this piece of "plain writing," the Reformers, probably at the
instigation of the Lord James, sent a submissive and cringing answer.
"Your Majesty," they say, "may be well assured, that in us shall be noted
no blame, if that peace be not ratified to your Majesty's
contentment."--"The benefit that we have received is so recent, that we
cannot suddenly bury it in forgetfulness. We would desire your Majesty
rather to be persuaded of us, that we, to our powers, will study to leave
it in remembrance to our posterity." In other words,--Whatever our own
Queen Mary may determine on doing, we shall remain steady to your
interests, and would much rather quarrel with her than with you. To this
state of mind had Elizabeth's machinations contrived to bring the
majority of the young Queen's subjects.

In the meantime, Mary had sent an ambassador into England to demand a safe
conduct for her approaching voyage. This was expressly refused; and
Throckmorton was again ordered to request an audience with Mary, to
explain the motives of this refusal. "In this conference," observes
Robertson, "Mary exerted all that dignity and vigour of mind of which she
was so capable, and at no period of her life, were her abilities displayed
to greater advantage." Throckmorton had recourse to the endless subject of
the treaty of 1560, or, as it is more commonly called, the treaty of
Edinburgh, as the apology his mistress offered for having, with studied
disrespect, denied the suit made by Mary's ambassador, in the presence of
a numerous audience,--a direct breach of courtly etiquette. Mary, before
answering Throckmorton, commanded all her attendants to retire, and then
said,--"I like not to have so many witnesses of my passions as the Queen,
your mistress, was content to have, when she talked with M. D'Oysel. There
is nothing that doth more grieve me, than that I did so forget myself, as
to require of the Queen, your mistress, that favour, which I had no need
to ask. I may pass well enough home into my own realm, I think, without
her passport or license; for, though the late king, your master, used all
the impeachment he could, both to stay me and catch me, when I came
hither, yet you know, M. l'Ambassadeur, I came hither safely, and I may
have as good means to help me home again, if I could employ my friends."
"It seemeth," she added, with much truth, "that the Queen, your mistress,
maketh more account of the amity of my disobedient subjects, than she doth
of me, their sovereign, who am her equal in degree, though inferior in
wisdom and experience, her nighest kinswoman, and her next neighbour." She
then proceeded very forcibly to state, once more, her reasons for refusing
to ratify the treaty. It had been made, she said, during the life of
Francis II., who, as her lord and husband, was more responsible for it
than she. Upon his death, she ceased to look for advice to the council of
France, neither her uncles nor her own subjects, nor Elizabeth herself,
thinking it meet, that she should be guided by any council but that of
Scotland. There were none of her ministers with her; the matter was
important; it touched both them and her; and she, therefore, considered it
her duty to wait, till she should get the opinions of the wisest of them.
As soon as she did, she undertook to send Elizabeth whatever answer might
appear to be reasonable. "The Queen, your mistress," observed Mary, "saith
that I am young; she might say that I were as foolish as young, if I
would, in the state and country that I am in, proceed to such a matter, of
myself, without any counsel; for that which was done by the King, my late
lord and husband, must not be taken to be my act; and yet I will say,
truly, unto ye, and as God favours me, I did never mean otherwise, unto
the Queen, your mistress, than becometh me to my good sister and cousin,
nor meant her any more harm than to myself. God forgive them that have
otherwise persuaded her, if there be any such."

It may seem strange, that as the sixth article was the only one in the
whole treaty of Edinburgh, which occasioned any disagreement, it was not
proposed to make some alteration in it, which might have rendered it
satisfactory to all parties. Mary would have had no objection to have
given up all claim upon the Crown of England, during the lifetime of
Elizabeth, and in favour of children born by her in lawful wedlock,--if,
failing these children, her own right was acknowledged. There could have
been little difficulty, one would have thought, in expressing the
objectionable article accordingly. But this amendment would not by any
means have suited the views of Elizabeth. To have acknowledged Mary's
right of succession would have been at once to have pointed out to all the
Catholics of Europe, the person to whom they were to pay their court, on
account not only of her present influence, but of the much greater which
awaited her. Besides, it might have had the appearance of leaving it
doubtful, whether Elizabeth's possession of the throne was not conceded to
her, more as a favour than as a right. This extreme jealousy on the part
of the English Queen, originated in Mary having imprudently allowed
herself to be persuaded to bear the arms of England, diversely quartered
with her own, at the time Elizabeth was first called to the crown. At the
interview we have been describing, Throckmorton, being silenced with
regard to the ratification of the treaty, thought he might with propriety
advert to this other subject of complaint.

"I refer it to your own judgment, Madam," said he, "if any thing can be
more prejudicial to a prince, than to usurp the title and interest
belonging to him." Mary's answer deserves particular attention. "M.
L'Ambassadeur," said she, "I was then under the commandment of King Henry
my father, and of the king my lord and husband; and whatsoever was then
done by their order and commandments, the same was in like manner
continued until both their deaths; since which time, you know I neither
bore the arms, or used the title of England. Methinks," she added, "these
my doings might ascertain the queen your mistress, that that which was
done before, was done by commandment of them that had power over me; and
also, in reason, she ought to be satisfied, seeing I (now) order my
doings, as I tell ye." With this answer Throckmorton took his leave.

Seeing that matters could not be more amicably adjusted, Mary prepared to
return home, independent of Elizabeth's permission. Yet it was not without
many a bitter regret that she thought of leaving all the fascinations of
her adopted country, France. When left alone, she was frequently found in
tears; and it is more than probable, that, as Miss Benger has expressed
it, "there were moments when Mary recoiled with indescribable horror from
the idea of living in Scotland--where her religion was insulted, and her
sex contemned; where her mother had languished in misery, and her father
sunk into an untimely grave." At last, however, the period arrived when it
was necessary for her to bid a final adieu to the scenes and friends of
her youth. She had delayed from month to month, as if conscious that, in
leaving France, she was about to part with happiness. She had originally
proposed going so early as the spring of 1561, but it was late in July
before she left Paris; and as she lingered on the way, first at St
Germains, and afterwards at Calais, August was well advanced before she
set sail. The spring of this year, says Brantome poetically, was so
backward, that it appeared as if it would never put on its robe of
flowers; and thus gave an opportunity to the gallants of the Court to
assert, that it wore so doleful a garb to testify its sorrow for the
intended departure of Mary Stuart. She was accompanied as far as St
Germains by Catharine de Medicis, and nearly all the French Court. Her six
uncles, Anne of Este, and many other ladies and gentlemen of distinction,
proceeded on with her to Calais. The historians Castelnau and Brantome
were both of the Queen's retinue, and accompanied her to Scotland. At
Calais she found four vessels, one of which was fitted up for herself and
friends, and a second for her escort; the two others were for the
furniture she took with her.

Elizabeth, meanwhile, was not inattentive to the proceedings of the
Scottish Queen. Through the agency of her minister, Cecil, she had been
anxiously endeavouring to discover whether she would render herself
particularly obnoxious either to Catharine de Medicis, or the leading men
in Scotland, by making herself mistress of Mary's person on her passage
homewards, and carrying her a prisoner into England. Her ambassador,
Throckmorton, had given her good reason to believe that Catharine was not
disposed to be particularly warm in Mary's defence. As to Scotch
interference, Camden expressly informs us, that the Lord James, when he
passed through England on his return from France, warned Elizabeth of
Mary's intended movements, and advised that she should be intercepted.
This assertion, though its truth has been doubted, is rendered exceedingly
probable by the contents of two letters, which have been preserved. The
first is from Throckmorton, who assures Elizabeth that the Lord James
deserves her most particular esteem;--"Your Majesty," he says, "may, in my
opinion, make good account of his constancy towards you; and so he

deserveth to be well entertained and made of by your Majesty, as one that
may stand ye in no small stead for the advancement of your Majesty's
desire. Since his being here (in France), he hath dealt so frankly and
liberally with me, that I must believe he will so continue after his
return home." The other letter is from Maitland of Lethington, one of
the ablest men among the Scotch Reformers, and the personal friend and
co-adjutor of the Lord James, to Sir William Cecil. In this letter he
says;--"I do also allow your opinion anent the Queen our Sovereign's
journey towards Scotland, whose coming hither, if she be enemy to the
religion, and so affected towards that realm as she yet appeareth, shall
not fail to raise wonderful tragedies." He then proceeds to point out,
that, as Elizabeth's object, for her own sake, must be to prevent the
Catholics from gaining ground in Scotland, her best means of obtaining
such an object, is to prevent a Queen from returning into the kingdom, who
"shall so easily win to her party the whole Papists, and so many
Protestants as be either addicted to the French faction, covetous,
inconstant, uneasy, ignorant, or careless."--"So long as her Highness is
absent," he adds, "in this case there is no peril; but you may judge what
the presence of a prince being craftily counselled is able to bring to
pass." "For my opinion," he concludes, "anent the continuance of amity
betwixt these two realms, there is no danger of breach so long as the
Queen is absent; but her presence may alter many things."

To make assurance doubly sure, Cecil desired Randolph, the English
resident in Scotland, to feel the pulse of the nobility. On the 9th of
August 1561, only a few days before Mary sailed from France, Randolph
wrote from Edinburgh an epistle to Cecil, in which he assures him that it
will be a "stout adventure for a sick crazed woman," (a singular mode of
designating Mary), to venture home to a country so little disposed to
receive her. "I have shewn your Honour's letters," he says, "unto the Lord
James, Lord Morton, Lord Lethington; they wish, as your Honour doth, that
she might be stayed yet for a space; and if it were not for their
obedience sake, some of them care not tho' they never saw her face."--And
again--"Whatsomever cometh of this, he (Lethington), findeth it ever best
that she come not." Knox also, it seems, had been written to, and had
expressed his resolution to resist to the last Mary's authority. "By such
letters as ye have last received," says Randolph, "your Honour somewhat
understandeth of Mr Knox himself, and also of others, what is
determined,--he himself to abide the uttermost, and others never to leave
him, until God hath taken his life."--"His daily prayer is, for the
maintenance of unity with England, and that God will never suffer men to
be so ungrate as by any persuasion to run headlong unto the destruction of
them that have saved their lives, and restored their country to
liberty."

Elizabeth having thus felt her way, and being satisfied that she might
with safety pursue her own inclinations, was determined not to rest
contented with the mere refusal of passports. Throckmorton was ordered to
ascertain exactly when and how Mary intended sailing. The Scottish Queen
became aware of his drift, from some questions he put to her, and said to
him cuttingly,--"I trust the wind will be so favourable, as I shall not
need to come on the coast of England; and if I do, then M. l'Ambassadeur,
the Queen, your mistress, shall have me in her hands to do her will of me;
and if she be so hard-hearted as to desire my end, she may then do her
pleasure, and make sacrifice of me. Peradventure, that casualty might be
better for me than to live." Throckmorton, however, made good his point,
and was able to inform Elizabeth that Mary would sail either from
Havre-de-Grace or Calais, and that she would first proceed along the coast
of Flanders, and then strike over to Scotland. For the greater certainty,
he suggested the propriety of some spies being sent across to the French
coast, who would give the earliest intelligence of her movements.
Profiting by this and other information, all the best historians of the
time agree in stating, that Elizabeth sent a squadron to sea with all
expedition. It was only a thick and unexpected fog which prevented these
vessels from falling in with that in which Mary sailed. The smaller craft
which carried her furniture, they did meet with, and, believing them to be
the prize they were in search of, they boarded and examined them. One ship
they detained, in which was the Earl of Eglinton, and some of Mary's
horses and mules, and, under the pretence of suspecting it of piracy,
actually carried it into an English harbour. The affectation of "clearing
the seas from pirates," as Cecil expresses it, was a mere after-thought,
invented to do away with the suspicion which attached itself to this
unsuccessful attempt. Its real purpose was openly talked of at the time.
Sir Nicholas Bacon, Lord Keeper, in a speech he made at a meeting of the
Privy Council in 1562, said frankly,--"Think ye that the Scottish Queen's
suit, made in all friendly manner, to come through England at the time she
left France, and the denial thereof, unless the treaty were ratified, is
by them forgotten, or else your sending of your ships to sea at the time
of her passage?" Camden, Holinshed, Spottiswoode, Stranguage, and
Buchanan, all speak to the same effect; and Elizabeth's intentions, though
frustrated, hardly admit of a doubt.

On the 25th of August 1561, Mary sailed out of the harbour of Calais,--not
without shedding, and seeing shed many tears. She did not, however, part
with all the friends who had accompanied her to the coast. Three of her
uncles,--the Duke d'Aumale, the Marquis D'Elbeuf, and the Grand
Prior,--the Duke Danville, son to Montmorency, and afterwards Constable of
France, one of the most ardent and sincere admirers that Mary perhaps ever
had,--and many other persons of rank, among whom was the unfortunate poet
Chatelard, who fluttered like a moth round the light in which he was to be
consumed,--sailed with her for Scotland. Just as she left the harbour, an
unfortunate accident happened to a vessel, which, by unskilful management,
struck upon the bar, and was wrecked within a very short distance of her
own galley. "This is a sad omen," she exclaimed, weeping. A gentle breeze
sprang up; the sails were set, and the little squadron got under way,
consisting, as has been said, of only four vessels, for Mary dreaded lest
her subjects should suppose that she was coming home with any military
force. The feelings of "la Reine Blanche," as the French termed her,
from the white mourning she wore for Francis, were at all times
exceedingly acute. On the present occasion, her grief amounted almost to
despair. As long as the light of day continued, she stood immoveable on
the vessel's deck, gazing with tearful eyes upon the French coast, and
exclaiming incessantly,--"Farewell, France! farewell, my beloved country!"
When night approached, and her friends beseeched her to retire to the
cabin, she hid her face in her hands, and sobbed aloud. "The darkness
which is now brooding over France," said she, "is like the darkness in my
own heart." A little afterwards, she added,--"I am unlike the Carthaginian
Dido, for she looked perpetually on the sea, when AEneas departed, whilst
all my regards are for the land." Having caused a bed to be made for her
on deck, she wept herself asleep, previously enjoining her attendants to
waken her at the first peep of day, if the French coast was still visible.
Her wishes were gratified; for during the night the wind died away, and
the vessel made little progress. Mary rose with the dawn, and feasted her
eyes once more with a sight of France. At sunrise, however, the breeze
returned, and the galley beginning to make way, the land rapidly receded
in the distance. Again her tears burst forth, and again she
exclaimed,--"Farewell, beloved France! I shall never, never, see you
more." In the depth of her sorrow, she even wished that the English
fleet, which she conjectured had been sent out to intercept her, would
make its appearance, and render it necessary for her to seek for safety,
by returning to the port from whence she had sailed. But no interruption
of this kind occurred.

It is more than likely, that it was during this voyage Mary composed the
elegant and simple little song, so expressive of her genuine feelings on
leaving France. Though familiarly known to every reader, we cannot deny
ourselves the pleasure of inserting it here.

Adieu, plaisant pays de France!
O my patrie,
La plus cherie;
Qui a nourri ma jeune enfance.
Adieu, France! adieu, mes beaux jours!
La nef qui dejoint mes amours,
N'a cy de moi que la moitie;
Une parte te reste; elle est tienne;
Je la fie a ton amitie,
Pour que de l'autre il te souvienne!

Brantome, who sailed in the same vessel with Mary, and gives a particular
account of all the events of this voyage, mentions, that the day before
entering the Frith of Forth, so thick a mist came on, that it was
impossible to see from the poop to the prow. By way of precaution, lest
they should run foul of any other vessel, a lantern was lighted, and set
at the bow. This gave Chatelard occasion to remark, that it was taking a
very unnecessary piece of trouble, so long at least as Mary Stuart
remained upon deck, and kept her eyes open. When the mist, at length,
cleared away, they found their vessel in the midst of rocks, from which it
required much skill and no little labour to get her clear. Mary declared,
that so far as regarded her own feelings, she would not have looked upon
shipwreck as a great calamity; but that she would not wish to see the
lives of the friends who were with her endangered (among whom not the
least dear were her four Maries), for all the kingdom of Scotland. She
added, that as a bad omen had attended her departure so this thick fog
seemed to be but an evil augury at her arrival. At length, the harbour of
Leith appeared in sight, and Mary's eye rested, for the first time, upon
Arthur Seat and the Castle of Edinburgh.





Next: Mary's Arrival At Holyrood With Sketches Of Her Principal Nobility

Previous: Mary The Queen Dauphiness The Queen And The Queen Dowager Of France



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